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A touchstone of his worldview was the conviction that the United States cannot reshape other countries in its own image and that, with a few exceptions, its efforts to police the world are neither in its interests nor within the scope of its resources.

"This whole tendency to see ourselves as the center of political enlightenment and as teachers to a great part of the rest of the world strikes me as unthought-through, vainglorious and undesirable" he said in an interview with the New York Review of Books in 1999. "I would like to see our government gradually withdraw from its public advocacy of democracy and human rights. I submit that governments should deal with other governments as such, and should avoid unnecessary involvement, particularly personal involvement, with their leaders."

These ideas were particularly applicable, he said, to U.S. relations with China and Russia.
O pessimismo quanto à natureza humana levou-o a encarar com suspeição os "excessos" de democracia e a defender o desarmamento nuclear: a possibilidade de "erro humano" envolvia custos "proibitivos".

Kennan temia, acima de tudo, que a luta contra o império soviético fosse encarada como um "choque entre civilizações" avant la lettre, que acabaria por colocar em risco os valores constituintes da tradição republicana americana. A luta contra o comunismo não era uma "luta contra o mal", mas uma defesa intransigente dessa tradição política e dos modos de vida prezados pela nação americana. Os bons conselhos não têm idade e a morte de George Kennan mais do que o desaparecimento de "um bom conselheiro" é a morte de um "príncipe do intelecto."